Kidney stones are well-known to be one of the most painful experiences that we experience. For those who’ve been through it, it is compared to the pain of child birth. This short article will cover some kidney stone pain symptoms and what to look out for.Kidney stones pain signs and symptoms, in the more mild cases, could be inconvenient. In the much more serious cases, they can require surgery to remove, with enough pain to induce nausea or vomiting.
Initially, kidney stones had been known as the “silent stones”, because they don’t produce symptoms in the onset of forming. However, as the stones grow in size, they can trigger pain simply because they become much more difficult to pass. When the pain shows a pattern, and all other causes are ruled out, the remedy for kidney stones can start. Kidney stone pain signs and symptoms can consist of pain in the side, groin or lower back. Once the pain is not started by the position the person is sitting in, or by the position the individual moves to, as he or she looks for relief, this pain can be a symptom of kidney stones. The level of pain from these signs and symptoms can grow and recede in intensity.
Other kidney stone pain signs and symptoms which may be present can include painful urination, traces of blood in the urine, or an urgent feeling to go when it is not necessary. For men, there can also be testicular pain and penile pain. In the event the individual has developed an infection within the urinary tract, with the kidney stone, there might be chills or fever that accompany the pain. The good news is that most people have the ability to pass a kidney stone in 24-48 hours, with a large consumption of fluid.
Also, you will find remedies for your pain, as the stone is being passed. These treatments can include over-the-counter medicines. In the event the kidney stone pain signs and symptoms aren’t handled with the over-the-counter medicines, patients can ask their doctors for doctor prescribed narcotics or intravenous prescription medicines, if the person is nauseated or is prone to vomiting. For all those that are having much more difficulty passing the stone or stones, you will find choices available for them. Kidney stone pain signs and symptoms could be managed with prescription narcotics while other medicines are now being administered to help the stone or stones pass more rapidly.
For people that have kidney stones which will not pass on their very own, the procedure, lithotripsy is used. Lithotripsy is a process that utilizes shock waves to break up stones so that they can pass. Kidney stone pain signs and symptoms should abate after this procedure, because it breaks down the stones that are causing the pain, to help them pass much more rapidly. For much more extreme cases, you will find a couple of surgical methods that may be used to get rid of the stones and the pain.Kidney stone pain signs and symptoms can be handled in a variety of ways which will help the patient manage the pain, or eliminate the cause.
With advances in technologies, these “silent stones” could be dealt with quickly to get rid of the pain they cause for good. Kidney stone pain symptoms no longer need to be endured for long periods of time. Everything can be done quickly and efficiently to end the suffering kidney stones can cause.
2011年10月25日星期二
2011年9月22日星期四
WHMP radio personality Chris Collins recovering after near-death ordeal
"Look, I'm not dead," said Chris Collins from his home Tuesday, as he sought to dispel rumors that suggested that very thing. "I'm also not brain-dead, blind, or any of the other things people have heard."
Of course, Collins, 43, who had been WHMP's news and program director since 2001 before his major organs shut down, was at death's door all summer and not expected to pull through. All of it brought on, he said, by a decade of burning candles at both ends and playing "fast and loose with Type 2 diabetes for years. I was riding for a fall."
He also strongly relates to the tail-end of "The Sopranos'" run, where Mob boss Tony, in a coma after being shot by his uncle, goes into this altered state as a harried heating salesman from Arizona, Kevin Finnerty. Collins can tell you about comas.
And talk about a shell of one's former self. In the last six months, betweenkidney failure, a three-week coma and open heart surgery, Collins has involuntarily shed 116 pounds, which puts him roughly at his 1986 fighting weight of 212, when he was the goalie for Greenfield High's hockey team. Not that he's in any shape to start lacing 'em up and taking his place between the pipes. But he's alive. Which may be some sort of a modern miracle in itself. "My nurses couldn't believe I was alive," he said.
Collins' ordeal began in late March, with intense pain in his back. Since he had been rushed to the hospital 2½ years before with what turned out to bekidney stones, he thought he was in for more of the same. But this time it proved to be a blocked right ureter, which led to a kidney infection. "My kidneys basically stopped functioning," he said. "It came out of the blue - I never saw this happening."
Co-workers at WHMP who saw him taken by ambulance to Cooley Dickinson that morning suspected it was a heart attack.
Renal stents were inserted to allow Collins' kidneys to function. He was sent home to recuperate, but the drug regimen he was prescribed had adverse affects. "I had (the stents) in for three months," he said, "but the bloating - I bloated like a mile-high balloon. Couldn't sleep, could barely walk upstairs; it was obvious that something was wrong. My echocardiogram was high but normal, but my symptoms were not consistent with that," he said.
An ambulance's wail could be heard once again in Collins' ears. "The last thing I remember is being wheeled into the Franklin ER.," said Collins. The paddles of a defibrillator shocked his heart back to life and again when he was rushed to Baystate Medical Center in Springfield. Collins credits cardiologist Mara Slowsky with saving his life. "She saw that my heart was beating at 15 percent capacity. Major blockage. They drained 2 liters of fluid out of my chest."
He went into a coma - from late July to mid-August he was on extreme life support. "I coded three times and three times they brought me back," said Collins. "It was hour-to-hour, minute-to-minute."
Of course, Collins, 43, who had been WHMP's news and program director since 2001 before his major organs shut down, was at death's door all summer and not expected to pull through. All of it brought on, he said, by a decade of burning candles at both ends and playing "fast and loose with Type 2 diabetes for years. I was riding for a fall."
He also strongly relates to the tail-end of "The Sopranos'" run, where Mob boss Tony, in a coma after being shot by his uncle, goes into this altered state as a harried heating salesman from Arizona, Kevin Finnerty. Collins can tell you about comas.
And talk about a shell of one's former self. In the last six months, between
Collins' ordeal began in late March, with intense pain in his back. Since he had been rushed to the hospital 2½ years before with what turned out to be
Co-workers at WHMP who saw him taken by ambulance to Cooley Dickinson that morning suspected it was a heart attack.
Renal stents were inserted to allow Collins' kidneys to function. He was sent home to recuperate, but the drug regimen he was prescribed had adverse affects. "I had (the stents) in for three months," he said, "but the bloating - I bloated like a mile-high balloon. Couldn't sleep, could barely walk upstairs; it was obvious that something was wrong. My echocardiogram was high but normal, but my symptoms were not consistent with that," he said.
An ambulance's wail could be heard once again in Collins' ears. "The last thing I remember is being wheeled into the Franklin ER.," said Collins. The paddles of a defibrillator shocked his heart back to life and again when he was rushed to Baystate Medical Center in Springfield. Collins credits cardiologist Mara Slowsky with saving his life. "She saw that my heart was beating at 15 percent capacity. Major blockage. They drained 2 liters of fluid out of my chest."
He went into a coma - from late July to mid-August he was on extreme life support. "I coded three times and three times they brought me back," said Collins. "It was hour-to-hour, minute-to-minute."
2011年4月7日星期四
Under this surreal 'rule by law', Ai Weiwei is guilty
When the Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei insisted to reporters in Beijing this week that "China is a country ruled by law", and "other countries have no right to interfere" in the case of the detained avant-garde artist Ai Weiwei, there was a certain truth to his remarks. China is a country ruled by law. But this is quite different, as many victims of official corruption in China have discovered, from being a country in which the rule of law prevails.
The rule of law contains important principles: the law is supreme, and all have equal rights before it. The concept of rule by law was pioneered by one of China's harshest imperial regimes, the shortlived but influential Qin dynasty, 2,000 years ago. The Qin emperor saw the law as an instrument of authoritarian rule, to be defined and used as he chose, and it is this tradition that appeals to the current Chinese leadership.
Without understanding the distinction it is hard to see how China's growing body of law, with its court apparatus, judges and lawyers, really functions. Under a conventional system the supreme judicial authorities might be expected to have some legal background, but in China the head of the political and legal committee of the central committee of the Communist party, Luo Gan, is an engineer turned security supremo who is there to ensure the system serves the party. As he has put it, his role is to guard against "negative western legal concepts" like judicial independence.
The party controls the courts, appoints the judges and routinely dictates the verdicts. Even if a citizen wins a case, the court has little power to enforce the verdict without the backing of those same state officials. A Chinese litigant is often in the Kafkaesque situation of being dependent on those who committed the abuse for redress.
Nevertheless, with few other possibilities, growing numbers of Chinese citizens try to use the law to fight back against corruption. But if the citizen is expected to obey the law, the party state itself can shape and deploy it to suppress dissent and to preserve the careers of corrupt party officials. The party's discipline department will act against deviant officials when it wishes, but such matters are too important to be the concern of the legal system.
The law is, however, a handy means of detaining, harassing and disbarring defence lawyers who get in the way of the state, and for the prosecution of complaining citizens for ill-defined offences against public order, social stability, national security or, as in Ai Weiwei's case, economic crimes.
Ai's alleged economic crimes are bound to pale in comparison with those of state officials, who are reckoned to steal more than $80bn a year. A report by Beijing's Renmin University in 2005 estimated that 90% of Chinese officials spend more than they nominally earn, so if Ai's economic crimes do exist, they are unlikely to be the real problem.
Far more important are his stubborn efforts to document the names of those killed by official corruption. In this he has enjoyed more latitude than many: as the son of the celebrated revolutionary poet Ai Qing, he counts as one of China's new aristocracy. But when he set out to collect the names of the children who perished in the deathtraps of their badly-built schools in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, he was treading on sensitive toes.
No official has been prosecuted for the corruption that produced those schools. Instead, the parents of the dead children have been harassed; a teacher who tried to help them has been jailed; and Ai Weiwei himself has suffered a brain haemorrhage from a beating last year in Sichuan. When 58 migrant workers died in a fire in a corruptly-built Shanghai tower block, Ai again set out to document the dead. This is not listed as a crime under Chinese law, but it certainly annoys those responsible.
Ai was not the first to test the limits of official tolerance. When corruption in the dairy industry led to the poisoning of a quarter of a million babies in 2008, the news was suppressed for several months so as not to spoil the Olympic mood. The firm responsible was prosecuted, but many complicit officials were not. Among the parents who remained vocally unhappy was Zhao Lianhai, who continued to campaign for compensation for his infant son, who developed kidney stones. He was sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail. Another father, Guo Li, got a five-year sentence.
But punishing the victims for taking legal action against corrupt officials no longer seems to be enough. In recent months a series of detentions and disappearances of active lawyers has signalled a more robust attack on the exercise of legal rights. The most notorious case is that of Gao Zhisheng, a leading human rights lawyer who was given a three-year suspended sentence in 2006 for "inciting subversion" – and who disappeared last April.
The rule of law contains important principles: the law is supreme, and all have equal rights before it. The concept of rule by law was pioneered by one of China's harshest imperial regimes, the shortlived but influential Qin dynasty, 2,000 years ago. The Qin emperor saw the law as an instrument of authoritarian rule, to be defined and used as he chose, and it is this tradition that appeals to the current Chinese leadership.
Without understanding the distinction it is hard to see how China's growing body of law, with its court apparatus, judges and lawyers, really functions. Under a conventional system the supreme judicial authorities might be expected to have some legal background, but in China the head of the political and legal committee of the central committee of the Communist party, Luo Gan, is an engineer turned security supremo who is there to ensure the system serves the party. As he has put it, his role is to guard against "negative western legal concepts" like judicial independence.
The party controls the courts, appoints the judges and routinely dictates the verdicts. Even if a citizen wins a case, the court has little power to enforce the verdict without the backing of those same state officials. A Chinese litigant is often in the Kafkaesque situation of being dependent on those who committed the abuse for redress.
Nevertheless, with few other possibilities, growing numbers of Chinese citizens try to use the law to fight back against corruption. But if the citizen is expected to obey the law, the party state itself can shape and deploy it to suppress dissent and to preserve the careers of corrupt party officials. The party's discipline department will act against deviant officials when it wishes, but such matters are too important to be the concern of the legal system.
The law is, however, a handy means of detaining, harassing and disbarring defence lawyers who get in the way of the state, and for the prosecution of complaining citizens for ill-defined offences against public order, social stability, national security or, as in Ai Weiwei's case, economic crimes.
Ai's alleged economic crimes are bound to pale in comparison with those of state officials, who are reckoned to steal more than $80bn a year. A report by Beijing's Renmin University in 2005 estimated that 90% of Chinese officials spend more than they nominally earn, so if Ai's economic crimes do exist, they are unlikely to be the real problem.
Far more important are his stubborn efforts to document the names of those killed by official corruption. In this he has enjoyed more latitude than many: as the son of the celebrated revolutionary poet Ai Qing, he counts as one of China's new aristocracy. But when he set out to collect the names of the children who perished in the deathtraps of their badly-built schools in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, he was treading on sensitive toes.
No official has been prosecuted for the corruption that produced those schools. Instead, the parents of the dead children have been harassed; a teacher who tried to help them has been jailed; and Ai Weiwei himself has suffered a brain haemorrhage from a beating last year in Sichuan. When 58 migrant workers died in a fire in a corruptly-built Shanghai tower block, Ai again set out to document the dead. This is not listed as a crime under Chinese law, but it certainly annoys those responsible.
Ai was not the first to test the limits of official tolerance. When corruption in the dairy industry led to the poisoning of a quarter of a million babies in 2008, the news was suppressed for several months so as not to spoil the Olympic mood. The firm responsible was prosecuted, but many complicit officials were not. Among the parents who remained vocally unhappy was Zhao Lianhai, who continued to campaign for compensation for his infant son, who developed kidney stones. He was sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail. Another father, Guo Li, got a five-year sentence.
But punishing the victims for taking legal action against corrupt officials no longer seems to be enough. In recent months a series of detentions and disappearances of active lawyers has signalled a more robust attack on the exercise of legal rights. The most notorious case is that of Gao Zhisheng, a leading human rights lawyer who was given a three-year suspended sentence in 2006 for "inciting subversion" – and who disappeared last April.
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